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Semaine du
27/01 au 03/02/2007
Etats-Unis, Irak,
Iran - Zbigniew
Brzezinski Testimony - Senate Foreign Relations Commitee February
1, 2007
"Mr. Chairman:
Your hearings come at a critical juncture in the U.S. war of
choice in Iraq, and I commend you and Senator Lugar for
scheduling them.
It is time for the White House to come to terms with two
central realities:
1. The war in Iraq is a historic, strategic, and moral
calamity. Undertaken under false assumptions, it is
undermining America's global legitimacy. Its collateral
civilian casualties as well as some abuses are tarnishing
America's moral credentials. Driven by Manichean impulses and
imperial hubris, it is intensifying regional instability.
2. Only a political strategy that is historically relevant
rather than reminiscent of colonial tutelage can provide the
needed framework for a tolerable resolution of both the war in
Iraq and the intensifying regional tensions.
If the United States continues to be bogged down in a
protracted bloody involvement in Iraq, the final destination
on this downhill track is likely to be a head-on conflict with
Iran and with much of the world of Islam at large. A plausible
scenario for a military collision with Iran involves Iraqi
failure to meet the benchmarks; followed by accusations of
Iranian responsibility for the failure; then by some
provocation in Iraq or a terrorist act in the U.S. blamed on
Iran; culminating in a "defensive" U.S. military
action against Iran that plunges a lonely America into a
spreading and deepening quagmire eventually ranging across
Iraq, Iran, Afghanistan, and Pakistan.
A mythical historical narrative to justify the case for such a
protracted and potentially expanding war is already being
articulated. Initially justified by false claims about WMD's
in Iraq, the war is now being redefined as the "decisive
ideological struggle" of our time, reminiscent of the
earlier collisions with Nazism and Stalinism. In that context,
Islamist extremism and al Qaeda are presented as the
equivalents of the threat posed by Nazi Germany and then
Soviet Russia, and 9/11 as the equivalent of the Pearl Harbor
attack which precipitated America's involvement in World War
II.
This simplistic and demagogic narrative overlooks the fact
that Nazism was based on the military power of the
industrially most advanced European state; and that Stalinism
was able to mobilize not only the resources of the victorious
and militarily powerful Soviet Union but also had worldwide
appeal through its Marxist doctrine. In contrast, most Muslims
are not embracing Islamic fundamentalism; al Qaeda is an
isolated fundamentalist Islamist aberration; most Iraqis are
engaged in strife because the American occupation of Iraq
destroyed the Iraqi state; while Iran -- though gaining in
regional influence -- is itself politically divided,
economically and militarily weak. To argue that America is
already at war in the region with a wider Islamic threat, of
which Iran is the epicenter, is to promote a self-fulfilling
prophecy.
Deplorably, the Administration's foreign policy in the Middle
East region has lately relied almost entirely on such
sloganeering. Vague and inflammatory talk about "a new
strategic context" which is based on "clarity"
and which prompts "the birth pangs of a new Middle East"
is breeding intensifying anti-Americanism and is increasing
the danger of a long-term collision between the United States
and the Islamic world. Those in charge of U.S. diplomacy have
also adopted a posture of moralistic self-ostracism toward
Iran strongly reminiscent of John Foster Dulles's attitude of
the early 1950's toward Chinese Communist leaders (resulting
among other things in the well-known episode of the refused
handshake). It took some two decades and a half before another
Republican president was finally able to undo that legacy.
One should note here also that practically no country in the
world shares the Manichean delusions that the Administration
so passionately articulates. The result is growing political
isolation of, and pervasive popular antagonism toward the U.S.
global posture.
It is obvious by now that the American national interest calls
for a significant change of direction. There is in fact a
dominant consensus in favor of a change: American public
opinion now holds that the war was a mistake; that it should
not be escalated, that a regional political process should be
explored; and that an Israeli-Palestinian accommodation is an
essential element of the needed policy alteration and should
be actively pursued. It is noteworthy that profound
reservations regarding the Administration's policy have been
voiced by a number of leading Republicans. One need only
invoke here the expressed views of the much admired President
Gerald Ford, former Secretary of State James Baker, former
National Security Adviser Brent Scowcroft and several leading
Republican senators, John Warner, Chuck Hagel, and Gordon
Smith among others.
The urgent need today is for a strategy that seeks to create a
political framework for a resolution of the problems posed
both by the US occupation of Iraq and by the ensuing civil and
sectarian conflict. Ending the occupation and shaping a
regional security dialogue should be the mutually reinforcing
goals of such a strategy, but both goals will take time and
require a genuinely serious U.S. commitment.
The quest for a political solution for the growing chaos in
Iraq should involve four steps:
1. The United States should reaffirm explicitly and
unambiguously its determination to leave Iraq in a reasonably
short period of time.
Ambiguity regarding the duration of the occupation in fact
encourages unwillingness to compromise and intensifies the
on-going civil strife. Moreover, such a public declaration is
needed to allay fears in the Middle East of a new and enduring
American imperial hegemony. Right or wrong, many view the
establishment of such a hegemony as the primary reason for the
American intervention in a region only recently free of
colonial domination. That perception should be discredited
from the highest U.S. level. Perhaps the U.S. Congress could
do so by a joint resolution.
2. The United States should announce that it is undertaking
talks with the Iraqi leaders to jointly set with them a date
by which U.S. military disengagement should be completed, and
the resulting setting of such a date should be announced as a
joint decision. In the meantime, the U.S. should avoid
military escalation.
It is necessary to engage all Iraqi leaders -- including those
who do not reside within "the Green Zone" -- in a
serious discussion regarding the proposed and jointly defined
date for U.S. military disengagement because the very dialogue
itself will help identify the authentic Iraqi leaders with the
self-confidence and capacity to stand on their own legs
without U.S. military protection. Only Iraqi leaders who can
exercise real power beyond "the Green Zone" can
eventually reach a genuine Iraqi accommodation. The painful
reality is that much of the current Iraqi regime,
characterized by the Bush administration as "representative
of the Iraqi people," defines itself largely by its
physical location: the 4 sq. miles-large U.S. fortress within
Baghdad, protected by a wall in places 15 feet thick, manned
by heavily armed U.S. military, popularly known as "the
Green Zone."
3. The United States should issue jointly with appropriate
Iraqi leaders, or perhaps let the Iraqi leaders issue, an
invitation to all neighbors of Iraq (and perhaps some other
Muslim countries such as Egypt, Morocco, Algeria, and
Pakistan) to engage in a dialogue regarding how best to
enhance stability in Iraq in conjunction with U.S. military
disengagement and to participate eventually in a conference
regarding regional stability.
The United States and the Iraqi leadership need to engage
Iraq's neighbors in serious discussion regarding the region's
security problems, but such discussions cannot be undertaken
while the U.S. is perceived as an occupier for an indefinite
duration. Iran and Syria have no reason to help the United
States consolidate a permanent regional hegemony. It is ironic,
however, that both Iran and Syria have lately called for a
regional dialogue, exploiting thereby the self-defeating
character of the largely passive -- and mainly sloganeering --
U.S. diplomacy.
A serious regional dialogue, promoted directly or indirectly
by the U.S., could be buttressed at some point by a wider
circle of consultations involving other powers with a stake in
the region's stability, such as the EU, China, Japan, India,
and Russia. Members of this Committee might consider exploring
informally with the states mentioned their potential interest
in such a wider dialogue.
4. Concurrently, the United States should activate a credible
and energetic effort to finally reach an Israeli-Palestinian
peace, making it clear in the process as to what the basic
parameters of such a final accommodation ought to involve.
The United States needs to convince the region that the U.S.
is committed both to Israel's enduring security and to
fairness for the Palestinians who have waited for more than
forty years now for their own separate state. Only an external
and activist intervention can promote the long-delayed
settlement for the record shows that the Israelis and the
Palestinians will never do so on their own. Without such a
settlement, both nationalist and fundamentalist passions in
the region will in the longer run doom any Arab regime which
is perceived as supportive of U.S. regional hegemony.
After World War II, the United States prevailed in the defense
of democracy in Europe because it successfully pursued a
long-term political strategy of uniting its friends and
dividing its enemies, of soberly deterring aggression without
initiating hostilities, all the while also exploring the
possibility of negotiated arrangements. Today, America's
global leadership is being tested in the Middle East. A
similarly wise strategy of genuinely constructive political
engagement is now urgently needed.
It is also time for the Congress to assert itself."
Irak - Op-Chart:
31 Days in Iraq
NYT Published: February 3, 2007
"In January more than 1,900 people — soldiers, security
officers and civilians — were killed in the insurgency in
Iraq, up from 800 in January 2006. Many corpses showed signs
of torture, meaning the victims were probably killed by
religious and tribal death squads. This
map, based on data from the American, British and
Iraqi governments and from news reports, shows the dates,
locations and circumstances of deaths for the first month of
the year. Given the vast size of Iraq and the communications
difficulties inherent in war, the information may be
incomplete. Nonetheless, it is our effort to visually depict
the continuing human cost of the Iraq war..."
Irak -
Prospects
for Iraq’s Stability: A Challenging Road Ahead
National Intelligence Estimate, Office of the US Director of
National Intelligence January 2007
"...Iraqi society’s growing polarization, the
persistent weakness of the security forces and the state in
general, and all sides’ ready recourse to violence are
collectively driving an increase in communal and insurgent
violence and political extremism. Unless efforts to reverse
these conditions show measurable progress during the term of
this Estimate, the coming 12 to 18 months, we assess that the
overall security situation will continue to deteriorate at
rates comparable to the latter part of 2006..."
"...Iraq’s neighbors influence, and are influenced by,
events within Iraq, but the involvement of these outside
actors is not likely to be a major driver of violence or the
prospects for stability because of the self-sustaining
character of Iraq’s internal sectarian dynamics.
Nonetheless, Iranian lethal support for select groups of Iraqi
Shia militants clearly intensifies the conflict in Iraq. Syria
continues to provide safehaven for expatriate Iraqi Bathists
and to take less than adequate measures to stop the flow of
foreign jihadists into Iraq..."
"...The Intelligence Community judges that the term
'civil war' does not adequately capture the complexity of the
conflict in Iraq, which includes extensive Shia-on-Shia
violence, al-Qa’ida and Sunni insurgent attacks on Coalition
forces, and widespread criminally motivated violence.
Nonetheless, the term 'civil war' accurately describes key
elements of the Iraqi conflict, including the hardening of
ethno-sectarian identities, a sea change in the character of
the violence, ethno-sectarian mobilization, and population
displacements..."
Irak - Iraq’s
Political Factions: The Last Chance to Build a Governing
Coalition?
MIT, Center for International Studies January 2007
"Iraqi politics is presently at a stalemate. There are
four main political factions in the country, and only two can
agree on anything. This is not enough to govern. At least one
of the other factions must change its position, and it will be
a tall order to bring that about..."
Irak,
Reconstruction - Review
of Iraq Reconstruction
SIGIR January 18, 2007 United States House Armed Services
Committee
"On Thursday, January 18, 2007, Stuart W. Bowen, Jr.,
Special Inspector General for Iraq Reconstruction provided
testimony before a U.S. House of Representatives Committee on
Armed Services oversight hearing on Iraq
reconstruction..."
Voir également, See also :
Quarterly
Reports to Congress
These reports, published 30 days following the end of each
fiscal-year quarter, summarize SIGIR findings including
audits, inspections, investigations, and analysis of data and
developments related to Iraq reconstruction progress. The
activities of the Inspector General during each quarter and
updates on the various SIGIR initiatives including Lessons
Learned are also reported.
Climat - Climate
Change 2007 - Summary For Policymakers
Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) 02/02/07
"Paris, 2 February 2007 – Late last
night, Working Group I of the Intergovernmental Panel on
Climate Change (IPCC) adopted the Summary for Policymakers of
the first volume of “Climate Change 2007”, also known as
the Fourth Assessment Report (AR4).
“Climate Change 2007: The Physical Science Basis”,
assesses the current scientific knowledge of the natural and
human drivers of climate change, observed changes in climate,
the ability of science to attribute changes to different
causes, and projections for future climate change.
The report was produced by some 600 authors from 40 countries.
Over 620 expert reviewers and a large number of government
reviewers also participated. Representatives from 113
governments reviewed and revised the Summary line-by-line
during the course of this week before adopting it and
accepting the underlying report..."
Climat - The
European Community’s initial report under the Kyoto Protocol
European Environment Agency 2006
"This report is an update of the submission of the
European Community sent at 18 December 2006 to the secretariat
of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change
(UNFCCC) to facilitate the calculation of the assigned amount
pursuant to Article 3, paragraphs 7 and 8 under the Kyoto
Protocol, and demonstrate its capacity to account for its
emissions and assigned amountfor the first commitment period
under the Kyoto Protocol..."
Climat, Etats-Unis
- Committee
Holds Hearing on Political Influence on Government Climate
Change Scientists
Source: Committee on Oversight and Government Reform, U.S.
House of Representatives
"The Oversight Committee held a hearing on January 30
regarding political interference in the work of government
climate change scientists. In preparation for the hearing,
Chairman Waxman and Ranking Member Davis requested documents
from the Council on Environmental Quality related to
allegations that officials edited scientific reports and took
other actions to minimize the significance of climate change."
+ Documents (PDFs)
- Chairman
Waxman’s Opening Statement
- Hearing
Notice and Witness List
- Atmosphere
of Pressure: Political Interference in Federal Climate Science
- Witness
Testimony: Francesca T. Grifo, Ph.D., Union of Concerned
Scientists
- Witness
Testimony: Rick Piltz, Government Accountability Project
- Witness
Testimony: Dr. Drew T. Shindell
- Witness
Testimony: Roger A. Pielke, Jr., University of Colorado,
Boulder
- Memo
to Committee Members Regarding CEQ Documents
- Letter
to CEQ Chairman James Connaughton
Espace, Chine,
Etats-Unis -
Star
Wars? Not this decade
By Giuseppe Anzera, PINR/Asia Times 30/01/07
"On January 11, China became the third country, after the
United States and Russia, to have successfully destroyed a
low-Earth-orbiting satellite with a ground-launched ballistic
missile. Most probably it was a DF-21 missile carrying a
"kinetic kill vehicle". Similar operations with a
DF-31 had repeatedly failed.
This Chinese anti-satellite (ASAT) mission, which some
alarmists have unnecessarily termed "the first step
toward a space war", deserves careful analysis both from
a general strategic standpoint and, in particular, in relation
to the space control aspects involved..."
Chine,
Etats-Unis - The
State of U.S.-China Diplomacy
Remarks by Thomas J. Christensen, Deputy Assistant
Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs, before
the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission,
February 2, 2007
"...We continue to work closely with China, engaging on
an extremely broad range of issues, cooperating on issues in
which we can find common ground, but also discussing in a
frank and candid manner the issues on which we do not see
eye-to-eye. In those areas in which we differ, we encourage
China to understand our concerns and change its behavior in
ways that will advance not only our interests, but also its
own. The tone of our discussions with China is consistent and
firm and based on what we know to be true: that the changes we
encourage China to undertake-internationally and
domestically-will benefit China as a nation and a member of
the global community. U.S.-China relations are far from a
zero-sum game. A strong U.S. regional presence combined with
constructive and candid diplomatic engagement should serve to
deepen areas of cooperation and reduce the likelihood of
backsliding in the relationship..."
Etats-Unis, Irak,
Moyen-Orient - Iraq’s
Sectarian and Ethnic Violence and the Evolving Insurgency
Anthony H. Cordesman, Center for Strategic & International
Studies January 29, 2007
"The insurgency in Iraq has become a “war after the war”
that threatens to divide the country and create a full-scale
civil conflict. It has triggered sectarian and ethnic violence
that dominates the struggle to reshape Iraq as a modern state,
has emerged as a growing threat to the Gulf region, and has
become linked to the broader struggle between Sunni and
Shi’ite Islamist extremism, and moderation and reform,
throughout the Islamic world.
Since its inception in the spring of 2003, the nature of the
fighting in Iraq has evolved from a struggle between Coalition
forces and former regime loyalists to a much more diffuse
conflict, involving a number of Sunni groups, Shi’ite
militias, and foreign jihadists, and which has spread to
become a widespread civil conflict.
In the process, the complex patterns of conflict in Iraq have
become a broad struggle for sectarian and ethnic control of
political and economic space. Open violence has become
steadily more serious, but it is only part of the story.
Shi’ite, Sunni, and Kurdish factions increasingly organize
to provide local security while seeking to push other factions
out of areas where they have the majority. These problems have
been compounded by de facto exclusion of many ex- Ba’ath
members and professionals that form the secular and
nationalist core of the country, and the slow purging of other
nationalists who do not take a sectarian and ethnic side from
Ministries and professions..."
Bangladesh -
Islamist
extremism in Bangladesh
CRS Report 31/01/07
"There is concern among observers that the secular
underpinnings of moderate Bangladesh are being undermined by a
culture of political violence and the rise of Islamist
extremists. A further deterioration of Bangladesh’s
democracy and political stability may create additional space
within which Islamist militants may be increasingly free to
operate. Such a development may have destabilizing
implications for Bangladesh, South Asia, and the Islamic
world. They also have the potential to undermine U.S.
interests..."
Afghanistan -
Fulfilling
the Commitment to Success in Afghanistan
Condoleezza Rice, Secretary of State, Prepared Remarks at
the NATO Afghanistan Contributing Nations Meeting, Brussels,
Belgium
January 26, 2007
"...We are winning, and that’s why the Taliban is
fighting back, and why the Afghan people depend on us to help
them succeed. Let there be no doubt: Success in Afghanistan is
measured in many ways – in political terms, in economic
terms, in terms of human development.
I agree with my European colleagues: Ours is a humanitarian
mission, and military force alone cannot guarantee success. We
all recognize this..."
Lire également, read also :
On-the-Record
Briefing on Afghanistan
R. Nicholas Burns, Under Secretary of State, and John Fox,
Director of the Office of Afghanistan Affairs, Washington, DC
January 26, 2007
Afghanistan -
Ending
Afghanistan’s Civil War
James Dobbins, RAND Corporation, Testimony presented before
the House Armed Services Committee on January 30, 2007.”
Sécurité du
Territoire - Basic
Principles for Homeland Security
Brian Michael Jenkins, , RAND Corporation, Testimony presented
before the House Appropriations Committee, Subcommittee on
Homeland Security on January 30, 2007
Defense,
Etats-Unis - A
Successful Test Shows the Way Forward on Missile Defense
Peter Brookes and Baker Spring, Heritage Foundation
February 1, 2007
"A significant national security development took place
last weekend that barely garnered a footnote in the
national media: A U.S. missile defense interceptor hit--and
destroyed--a target missile over the Pacific. This is a big
step forward for the U.S.'s leverage against hostile regimes
that would develop ballistic missiles.
The successful test of the Terminal High Altitude Area Defense
(THAAD) system adds to U.S. land-based capabilities to counter
the growing short and medium range ballistic missile and
nuclear threats from rogue states like Iran and North Korea..."
Defense,
Etats-Unis - Joint
Publication 3-13.1, Electronic Warfare
U.S. Department of Defense (via Federation of American
Scientists) 25/01/07
"The report, “Joint
Publication 3-13.1, Electronic Warfare,” released Jan.
25, establishes the rules for electronic-warfare planning,
preparation, execution and assessment in support of joint
operations across U.S. military services, and the basis for
involvement in multinational operations..."
Terrorisme -
Black
ICE Bioterrorism International Coordination Exercise
Remarks by Henry A. Crumpton, U.S. Coordinator for
Counterterrorism January 17, 2007
"...Black ICE, a U.S.-Swiss co-hosted bioterrorism
tabletop exercise for senior leaders from international
organizations, emphasized the role of international
organizations in a bioterrorism response and how they would
interact with national governments..."
Black
ICE After Action Report
Terrorisme,
Royaume-Uni - Living
Apart Together: British Muslims and the paradox of
multiculturalism
Policy Exchange
"...a major new survey of the attitudes of Muslims in
Britain and the reasons behind the rapid rise in Islamic
fundamentalism amongst the younger generation. The research
finds that there is a growing religiosity amongst the younger
generation of Muslims and that they feel that they have less
in common with non-Muslims than do their parents.
Significantly, they exhibit a much stronger preference for
Islamic schools and sharia law and place a greater stress on
asserting their identity publicly, for example, by wearing the
hijab..."
WMD, Prolifération
- Priority
Steps to Strengthen the Nonproliferation Regime
Pierre Goldschmidt, Carnegie Endowment for International
Peace 02/2007
"The greater the number of states possessing nuclear
weapons, the greater the risk that one day, by design or
accident, they will be used by a state or a non-state actor
with catastrophic consequences. The international community
must therefore reject the recent tendency to accept the idea
that, sooner or later, more countries will possess nuclear
weapons, and that we can do nothing to stop it. There are more
steps that can be taken to “dissuade” and “deter”
non-nuclear weapons states (NNWS) from acquiring such weapons,
if the international community— particularly the nuclear
weapons states—make this a higher priority other than in
words..."
Technologies,
Défense - Strategic
Plan - Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency
Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA) February
2007
"This document describes the Defense Advanced Research
Projects Agency’s (DARPA) strategy, as required by Section
2352, Title 10 of the United States Code. It provides a
top-level view of DARPA’s activities for Congress, the
research community, and various elements of the Department of
Defense (DoD).
This strategic plan describes DARPA’s mission, business
processes, research thrusts and objectives, and research
projects that achieve the objectives..."
Etats-Unis -
President
Bush Delivers State of the Economy Report
White House, Office of the Press Secretary, Transcript of
speech given in Federal Hall, NYC, on January 31.
Related documents:
State
of the Economy Overview
Fact
Sheet: State of the Economy
In
Focus: Jobs and Economy
Energie - Forecasts
& Analyses analyses and projections
of energy information
US Energy Information Administration
"Monthly and yearly energy forecasts, analyses of energy
topics, financial analyses, Congressional reports..."
Technologiques
- The
25 Fastest-Growing Tech Companies
Forbes 01.26.07
Voir aussi, See also :
Report
Looks at Results of Companies on 2006 List
Forbes 01.31.07
Forbes
Midas 100
Forbes 01.25.07
Elections
2007
- Liberté, Egalité, Fraternité, Sarko-Disco !
DiscoSarko
"Avec Disco Sarko, faites bouger Nicolas Sarkozy sur le dance
floor..."
ou, comment faire passer Sarko pour "disco" et
récupérer des données sur des supporters potentiel.
"Les
Sarkonautes sont une équipe de jeunes et de
professionnels de l’internet qui souhaitent soutenir
l’action de Nicolas Sarkozy sur internet..."
Lire également, Read also :
'Le
Web' plays new role in France race
AP 29/01/07
"...Sarkozy's site http://www.discosarko.com
is part of an effort to market the interior minister as hip
and in-touch with the times and to collect contact details
from potential supporters. It asks visitors to leave e-mail
addresses and mobile phone numbers so they can be reached
ahead of the April-May presidential vote..."
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